WILMINGTON, Del. —
The vetting Kamala
Harris endured to earn her spot on Joe Biden’s presidential ticket was like
none other in recent history.
It was at once a public audition and highly
secretive. It took sharp turns as the nation struggled with a pandemic and
erupted in protest following the killing of George Floyd. In the era of Trump,
the process even included considering what derogatory nickname the president
might give her.
Biden’s vetting committee asked Harris for her
guess, but sources familiar with the process wouldn’t say how close she got to
“Phony Kamala” — the moniker President Trump quickly bestowed.
Harris emerged from a long list of candidates
winnowed over dozens of hours of meetings by a small committee of Biden’s
trusted allies, including Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti, former Connecticut
Sen. Christopher J. Dodd, Rep. Lisa Blunt Rochester of Delaware and former
Biden counsel Cynthia C. Hogan.
With the pandemic making travel and in-person meetings unsafe, the
group resorted to convening over video links, which stoked concerns about hacks
and leaks. According to a senior campaign official, the group resolved not to
write anything down. “It was all done orally,” the official said.
As
the legal team sifted through candidates’ records for potential liabilities,
the vetting team focused on “getting to know the essence of who they are,” the
official said. Biden’s vetters “understood what kind of people he works well
with. They were looking to find out how the people on this list learn, how they
think.”
After
the protests broke out nationwide, the mix of candidates changed: Black women
gained prominence. Earlier contenders who’d made the cut were called back to
discuss racial justice.
Harris
was always a front-runner. She was ready on Day One, tested in the rigors of a
national campaign, a skilled orator. The major hurdle was repairing her
relationship with Biden after a bruising primary campaign in which she demanded
on the debate stage that he apologize for working years earlier as a senator to
limit school integration.
“They
had the right heart-to-hearts,” the senior official said. “They came back to a
place they always had, of affinity for one another, even a love.”
Meanwhile,
media speculation intensified, some of it wildly off-base. Under the radar, two
relatively obscure governors made it farther than was known.
Michelle
Lujan Grisham of New Mexico drew intense focus after a union leader close to
Biden made a big pitch for her. During one online discussion, a committee
member held up a Venn diagram showing that she checked more boxes than any of
the other candidates. Rhode Island Gov. Gina Raimondo’s appeal was a background
that matched Biden’s — raised in a working-class Catholic household, saw her
father lose his job, and became a political power in a tiny Eastern state.
Los
Angeles Rep. Karen Bass entered the fray amid the Floyd protests. That put
Garcetti in the awkward spot of judging two California politicians with whom he
has worked closely. Some Harris allies complained that he and Dodd promoted
Bass over Harris, but those involved disputed that and said the group didn’t
rank candidates.
“He
didn’t put his thumb on the scale for anyone,” said a Garcetti confidant.
The
lobbying was intense, particularly for Harris. Among her advocates were
prominent Californians such as Oakland Rep. Barbara Lee and Lt. Gov. Eleni
Kounalaki. Perhaps most effective was Ben Crump, the civil rights attorney who
represented the Floyd family and others opposing police violence. An adulatory
op-ed Crump penned help diffuse the campaign’s concern about Harris’
prosecutorial past, a source familiar with the vetting said.
Biden,
having been through this process himself 12 years ago, was concerned about the
runners-up. “He was very clear there is not going to be one winner and a group
of losers,” the campaign official said. Biden personally called each one before
his decision became known; some may yet find a prominent place in a Biden
administration, should he be elected.
Not
everyone escaped unscathed. Bass, a relatively low-profile, uncontroversial
lawmaker, found herself under intense media scrutiny after video surfaced of a
speech in which she praised Scientologists. Her past affinity for Cuba and its
late dictator, Fidel Castro, drew condemnation in Florida, a crucial swing
state.
By
late July, Harris and Biden were meeting in person. She was one of four who
made the trip, dodging media stakeouts and reporters tracking flights in and
out of Delaware’s few airports. Others had one-on-one meetings over Zoom with
Biden.
His
public assurances that there were four Black women in contention, and that he
would decide by Aug. 1, confused some of the people involved. The vetters were
still sorting through an immense amount of material, including from party
activists and interest groups.
“Sometimes
people said, ‘You better choose this person or else,’” the official said. Yet
Biden “chose the same person he would have chosen whether or not we were in
this pandemic, or whether or not we were in the midst of this movement for
racial justice.”
Times staff writers Melanie Mason and Janet Hook contributed to this report.
#losangelestimes


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